6
Under the stresses of this War of the Ideologies the quality of the net of Radical organisations the Common–sense Movement had woven about the world was put to the test. And it held. People are only beginning to appreciate the sweeping power of Bodisham's planning, the versatile energy of Norvel and the understanding and unobtrusive competence that appeared almost everywhere ready to co–operate with the Group. Great numbers of capable men had been waiting for some such lead. It was a far broader, more varied and flexible revolutionary system than had ever existed before. It risked no subtleties of strategy; its general direction was definite but broad, and capable of the freest adaptation to special needs and circumstances.
The general decision of Common–sense upon the war had no ambiguity. "Now," it said, "we fight. We will fight", the Common–sense people agreed, "against the intensive war–makers, and for those who propose to liberate. But we have had time to digest the lessons of the Great War, and everywhere we are going to fight conditionally, as free men and women. The governments we support shall justify their professions. They shall not merely pretend to liberate. They shall liberate indeed. This is no war between Make Believes. It is a plain fight to obliterate the very idea of a soldier from men's minds. This is a War to end War…"
Rud talked out the war issue to the Central Group but there was very little discussion. The Group had already shifted its headquarters to Sloten near Amsterdam, close to the new radio centre and the air–port. There, in a large room like a departmental board–room, surrounded with maps and Bodisham's later diagrams, Rud expounded his fundamental plan of campaign.
He banged the table and spluttered with subversive bitterness.
"The war to end war…That is what we are fighting. Over again. Never have sane words been so mocked at, and never were saner words uttered. Someone used that phrase for the last war, and it didn't end war. Ha–ha–ha and He–he–he and also Yah! But obviously there has to be a war to end war—and if that fails, another. And if necessary, another and another. How else in the name of the Everlasting White Rabbit, do you think we are going to end war? It isn't really funny that the first War to End War failed to do so. That was a great joke for the Conchies—it seemed to prove them right—but for mankind it was a disaster. It proves nothing that we were cheated by the old gang. Nothing at all. Peace is organised strength. Peace is the discipline of commonsense.
"The last war to end war miscarried. The world wasn't prepared for the idea. The common man didn't realise his opportunity. Very well, since then we've been busy. Maybe this one won't miscarry. If it does, it will be because we in our turn weren't up to the job. This time the common man has got to get and keep control. This time we have to save the world from the old confidence tricks. We English aren't going to fight this war, simply and trustfully, under General Timberface and Colonel Blimp with the Army of the Aldershot Tattoo. The crown and the army class and the Anglican padres are not going to jump this war as they jumped our war in 1914. We've got to see to that. Nobody is going to stick up proclamations about 'My army and my subjects' in this war, without a protest from us. Let one thing be clear. It is we, the Common Men, who fight, and there are no 'my subjects'. We don't mean to cheer the cuckoo–clock at Buckingham Palace at the end of this war. No. It will be ours from first to last.
"The generals and colonels won't jump us this time. Not if we know it. This war has to be won, and won for its definite end, and there's not going to be any other sort of winning about it. These army duffers didn't know how to conduct a war in 1914 when everything was as easy as pie—Heavens, what a mess they made of it! They had every card in their silly hands in 1916. I've heard decent men talk about it. Now everybody—even they themselves—everybody knows they can't conduct a modern war. If a modern war can be conducted. They don't know anything about it. They are just backward boys from backward schools a hundred years out of date. What we are calling a War now is really the opening phase of world amalgamation, it is not a war in the historical sense at all, and the only use we have for our armies now is to destroy the enemy armies and get them out of the way of civilian world controls. This war has to be fought with cards on the table and in the open daylight, with common–sense intervening at every point. Most of that Secret Service of theirs is just a screen to protect the incapables from public criticism. Official Secrets are usually officials' secrets. Never trust a General; let every man under him watch his work. He's no divinity. Why, some of those tin hats in the last war; the men didn't even give them nicknames. Think of that! The men didn't know enough about them. Even for that. Everywhere, all over the earth, we've got to have our organisations saying: 'We mean to help in the war. Mean to be told. Mean to know. What do you think you are doing to me? I am a man. What's the idea of clapping me in a uniform and telling me to shut up and do what I am told? That's how you lost the last war for us…Not tell us? Because the enemy might get to know something! It isn't what the enemy knows, it is what we know that will win the war. And we mean to know it.'"
"That's the spirit of course," said Chiffan a little doubtfully.
"After every big fight," said Rud, "I think the men ought to re–elect their officers."
"That's the spirit," said Reedly, as though an endorsement was expected from him. "That's the spirit, as Chiffan says. I agree. I agree essentially. To the spirit of that. As a modern soldier. Cannon fodder is out of fashion. We want an army alive to its objectives—capable of carrying on if every officer was shot. Give me an army in which every man is fit to step forward and take the place of the man who has dropped out. So far the common soldier must be a responsible man. Yes…Still, there are occasions and necessities…There are times for implicit obedience…"
So Reedly, the "soldier of democracy", sitting square at the middle of the table and already beginning to look a little less like a not too confident deserter, and more like a commander of men.
Then Rud made a speech he had had brewing in his mind for some time. And as he made it, he watched its reception by Reedly.
"Secrecy," he said, and paused.
"Capable commanders will always know when to keep their own counsel—at their own risk," said Rud. "It's all too easy—all too easy—to get blind obedience if the men believe in their leaders. They like a leader to do the decisions. But I'm not only thinking of the war; I'm thinking of the end of the war. The vital thing about any rational war is its end. Only sadistic idiots in moments of rhetoric think of war as a thing in itself. You might as well think of a railway accident as a thing in itself. In some fashion or other this war is certainly going to be won by the Radical and quasi–Radical powers. Not a doubt about it. They've got mass, they've got endurance, they've got adaptability. There will be no separate peace. Make sure of that.
"In some fashion or other this war will be won, I say. There's the rub. That's where the catch comes in. What we do not want is to see the war won in the name of liberty, at the price of liberty. Gently but firmly the common man has to take over from the diplomats and professional soldiers before the war is allowed to end. Even if it takes longer. On the other side as well it's necessary to have not simply defeat but real revolution. In 1918 the Great War was hushed up in a hurry because of the manifest imminence of revolution and Communism from the Urals to the Atlantic. The Armistice of 1918 was the sauve qui peat of the old order from the dawning understanding of the common man…
"Didn't you realise that? It's not documented, no. Maybe they didn't realise it. But that was the drive in their minds. Our common man now is ten times as clear–headed and made of tougher stuff. He's never recovered faith anywhere, since the Great War.
"In 1918 there was no one to say 'A Common Law for the World'. Now everywhere, we say it. That's what we are for. That particularly and exactly is what we are for."
He paused. Reedly pulled his moustache. He seemed to be taking counsel with himself, a strong, silent man, but he made no comment on Rud's declaration.
"I could not state our idea more clearly," said Rud. "If I could I would."